Unified State — Policy Brief No. 02

From the Office of the Lucid Founder, Unified State
Kyiv, Ukraine — 2 September 2025 • 22:41 EEST (UTC+3)

A “Self-Denial Pledge” to Unlock a Just & Lasting Peace for Ukraine

Executive Summary

To de-risk a Ukraine–Russia peace framework and build public confidence inside Ukraine, we propose a voluntary, notarized Self-Denial Pledge from President Volodymyr Zelensky and designated senior officials (civilian and military). The pledge states they will (1) not seek office in the next electoral cycle (President: two cycles / ~10 years; other top officials: at least one cycle / 5 years), (2) act as guardians of a free, internationally-supervised election once martial law ends, and (3) organize an orderly, peaceful transfer of power to the winners.
This is a voluntary, notarized commitment that answers Ukraine’s civic demand for anti-authoritarian guardrails—made unmistakable by July 2025 street actions—while respecting the legal reality that no elections can be held during martial law and pairing the transition with international guarantees and observation.

1) Why a pledge, and why now?

  • Civil-war risk reduction, now: By removing personal electoral incentives today and codifying non-repression of peaceful assembly per OSCE/ODIHR–Venice standards, leadership channels street energy into supervised dialogue and pre-commits to a lawful transfer when elections are possible—cutting the fuse on an autumn–winter spiral.
  • Focus & honor: The pledge decouples wartime governance from tactical polling incentives, reducing any temptation to chase short-term ratings or blur lines between state resources and future campaigns—an OSCE/ODIHR–Venice Commission best-practice concern in fragile contexts. At the same time, it honors the extended public trust that current leaders have held under martial law by returning that trust through self-limitation and a public promise to steward, not compete in, the first post-war vote. This step re-centers leadership on securing peace and earns durable recognition for choosing principle over power.
  • Democratic guardrails, not drift: July 2025’s mass demonstrations—Ukraine’s largest since the full-scale invasion—showed a broad, pro-democracy demand to block any slide toward personalized rule and to protect independent anti-corruption institutions. A voluntary Self-Denial Pledge directly answers this civic will: it pre-commits incumbents to step back from future contests, separates wartime governance from personal political gain, and locks in a peaceful handover once elections are legally possible after martial law.
  • Focus on peace—not polling: By removing personal candidacy incentives for the next cycles, the pledge reduces tactical rating-chasing and the temptation to blur state resources with proto-campaigning, a risk long flagged by OSCE/ODIHR & Venice Commission guidance on preventing the misuse of administrative resources. This keeps leaders’ attention on securing a durable peace, not on short-term optics.

2) The Self-Denial Pledge (core provisions)

Parties: President Zelensky; Prime Minister; Deputy PMs; Minister of Defense; Commander-in-Chief; select generals; heads of national security bodies; CEC leadership (as witnesses/guardians).
Substance:

  1. Non-candidacy commitment
    • President: will not be a candidate in the next two presidential cycles (~10 years).
    • Other designated senior officials: will not be candidates in the next one national cycle (≥5 years).
  2. Guardian role: They commit to prepare and safeguard post-war elections that meet OSCE/ODIHR & Venice Commission standards (free media, equal campaigning, security, access for displaced persons and soldiers, etc.).
  3. Transfer of power: They will recognize results, ensure peaceful handover, and avoid any extralegal power retention once a lawful election occurs.
  4. Compatibility with law: The pledge explicitly defers to Ukraine’s Constitution and statutes (no elections under martial law; caretaker norms apply; no waiver of accountability for international crimes).

3) International guarantees (to the individuals and to the process)

  • Personal security assurances (non-asylum commitments, safe mobility, and protection against politically-motivated persecution) provided within Ukrainian and international law; no immunity for core international crimes.
  • Process guarantees: A Joint Electoral Support Mission (OSCE/ODIHR, Council of Europe Venice Commission, EU, and partners) to fund logistics, tech, inclusion of IDPs/servicemembers, and observation—consistent with European best practice that elections require a peaceful environment and full rights.

4) Accelerated Crisis-Containment Timeline (immediate–30 days)

T₀ — This week (national address + publication)

  • President and designated senior officials publish the Self-Denial & Guardianship Pledge (full text + signatures; notarized; Ukrainian & English).
  • Frame it as a democratic guardrail during martial law: no elections until legal conditions are restored, but no personal candidacy in the first post-war cycles; commitment to a peaceful transfer the moment elections become lawful.
  • Announce an open-door channel for civil society and protest organizers to engage peacefully (aligns with OSCE/ODIHR–Venice guidance on assemblies).

T₀ + 24–72 hours — Legal & oversight anchors

  • Verkhovna Rada resolution taking note of the pledge and mandating a Post-War Election Roadmap with automatic triggers (e.g., decree within X days after lifting martial law; CEC-advised lead time).
  • Invite OSCE/ODIHR, Venice Commission, Council of Europe to form a Joint Electoral Support Mission (JESM) now (observation design, inclusion of IDPs/service members, logistics scoping).
  • Pass a caretaker-ethics package for the martial-law period: strict anti-misuse of administrative resources (communications, state media, staffing, procurement) per ODIHR–Venice Joint Guidelines. Publish plain-language rules and complaint channels.

Week 1 — Protest de-escalation & transparency

  • Home Affairs + Ombudsperson issue Assembly Policing Protocols based on OSCE/ODIHR & Venice Commission standards (dialogue policing, facilitation first, proportionate response; publish rules and liaison phone lines).
  • Launch a public “Election Readiness Dashboard” (CEC + JESM): security pre-conditions, voter-roll integrity, IDP/servicemember voting options, overseas voting channels; update weekly.

Week 2 — Guarantees & guardianship

  • Partners (EU, CoE, G7, key neutrals) issue letters of recognition: the pledge is a voluntary confidence-building measure; no elections during martial law; international backing for a monitored post-war vote.
  • Name a small Non-Partisan Guardianship Panel (respected Ukrainians + two international advisers) to publish monthly compliance notes on: (a) adherence to the pledge; (b) non-misuse of state resources; (c) progress on election readiness.

Week 3–4 — Social stabilization for autumn–winter

  • Publish an Autumn–Winter Civic Stability Plan: heating/energy contingencies, protest-route safety, medical standby, and clear do-not-cross lines for both authorities and demonstrators. (Grounded in OSCE assembly standards and emergency-powers rule-of-law guidance.)
  • First JESM field note + CEC technical memo on what remains to unlock T₀ election decree immediately after martial law is lifted (time, ballots, precincts, training).

Snap-back clauses (effective immediately):

  • Any signatory who files candidacy within the pledged window: public breach notice by the Panel; suspension of personal security guarantees; referral to appropriate Ukrainian legal bodies.
  • Any misuse of administrative resources (per ODIHR–Venice rules): public report + administrative/judicial remedies.

5) Safeguards & snap-backs

  • Rule-of-law anchor: All steps must comply with existing Ukrainian law (e.g., no elections under martial law) and Europe’s electoral acquis.
  • Transparency: Pledge text, monitoring reports, and an election readiness dashboard (security, logistics, voter rolls, overseas voting) are published regularly.
  • Failure conditions: If any signatory reneges (e.g., files candidacy), partners suspend guarantees and publish the breach; domestic courts retain jurisdiction.
  • Non-derogation: Nothing in the pledge limits investigation or prosecution for corruption or other crimes under Ukrainian law.

6) Benefits

  • Stability through self-restraint: The pledge re-centers governance on peace over polling and answers public fear of power-drift with a binding, internationally-backed promise—tonight, not someday.
  • Trust dividend: Converts domestic and international skepticism into predictable commitments while respecting the no-elections-under-martial-law rule.
  • De-personalization: Removes personality contests from the first post-war ballot, focusing voters on programs, integrity, and reconstruction.
  • Legacy: By choosing peace over personal power, President Zelensky and peers write themselves into history as guardians of Ukraine’s democratic renewal, not as competitors in the first fragile vote.

7) Risk notes (and mitigations)

  • Propaganda misuse: Adversaries may spin the pledge as “admission of guilt.” Mitigation: full legality framing and European co-signatures emphasizing the pledge as a voluntary confidence-building measure, not a sanction.
  • Operational delays: CEC/ministries may need >3 months post-hostilities for safe, inclusive elections—hence the Roadmap and transparent milestones.
  • Public concern about legitimacy: Pair the pledge with regular parliamentary oversight hearings and open civil-society briefings; align with Venice Commission guidance that genuine elections require restored rights and security.

8) One-page pledge language (model)

Self-Denial & Guardianship Pledge
We, the undersigned, freely and publicly commit:

  1. Not to stand as candidates in the next national electoral cycle (President: two cycles; other signatories: at least one cycle).
  2. To act as guardians of free, fair, inclusive elections after martial law ends, in line with OSCE/ODIHR and Venice Commission standards.
  3. To recognize results and ensure a peaceful transfer of power.
  4. To uphold Ukraine’s Constitution and laws, including the prohibition of elections during martial law and accountability under Ukrainian and international law.
    Signed in Kyiv, before international witnesses.

9) Urgency & Non-Violent Enforcement Doctrine (goes into effect today)

Context & risk. Autumn–winter cycles are historically high-risk for escalation when governance signals look ambiguous and street grievances are left to gather momentum. Under Ukraine’s legal reality that no elections can be held during martial law, legitimacy must be protected via visible guardrails and transparent, immediate commitments—or protest waves risk steepening into confrontation spirals.

Unified State position. Having witnessed revolutions unfold, the Unified State assesses a high probability of failure if leaders delay, hedge, or ignore the Self-Denial & Guardianship Pledge. Accordingly, effective immediately, the Unified State activates lawful, diplomatic, and transparency-based countermeasures designed to (1) outpace street-level escalation, (2) deter heavy-handed reactions, and (3) lock all parties into a de-escalatory track consistent with OSCE/ODIHR–Venice Commission standards on assemblies and election integrity.

A. 72-Hour Diplomatic Notice (D0 → D+3)

  • Public filing (D0): We publish the signed Self-Denial & Guardianship Pledge and the Accelerated Crisis-Containment Timeline (Sections 4 & 5)
  • Notice to diplomatic missions (D0): We transmit a formal Civic Stability & Elections Guardrail Notice to all embassies, OSCE/ODIHR, Council of Europe (Venice Commission), and EU delegation in Kyiv, requesting acknowledgment and engagement within 72 hours. Non-response will be logged publicly.
  • Assembly safeguards (D0): We call on Interior Ministry and the Ombudsperson to adopt dialogue-first policing protocols aligned with OSCE/ODIHR’s Handbook on Policing Assemblies and the Guidelines on Freedom of Peaceful Assembly; liaison hotlines and facilitation teams are announced publicly.

B. Countermeasures that begin now

Transparency pressure (continuous).

  • Launch a public Election Readiness Dashboard (CEC + partners) tracking security prerequisites, IDP/servicemember/overseas voting solutions, and logistics lead-times; weekly updates and independent audits. (CEC and legal experts note months of post-war lead-time—making early planning essential.)
  • Publish a Pledge Compliance Ledger: lists of signatories; any breach (e.g., filing for candidacy) triggers public notice and international notification.

Administrative-resources firewall (D0 → continuous).

  • Demand an immediate caretaker-ethics package that implements the OSCE/ODIHR–Venice Commission Joint Guidelines against misuse of administrative resources (state media, procurement, communications, staffing). Violations will be documented and escalated to partners.

Assembly de-escalation (D0 → continuous).

  • Promote facilitation over force: dialogue policing, proportionality, and medical/route safety support, per OSCE guidance. We will publicly flag any departure from these standards and request corrective actions.

International engagement track (D+3 → D+7).

  • If domestic institutions do not engage openly, we will convene a Joint Electoral Support Mission request (OSCE/ODIHR, Venice Commission, EU partners) to co-design post-war election support and monitoring protocols now.

C. What “non-cooperation” means—and its consequences

  • Definition. Failure by relevant authorities or diplomatic institutions in Kyiv to acknowledge and engage this guardrail package publicly within the stated windows will be treated by the Unified State as non-cooperation with democratic safeguards.
  • Response (non-violent, lawful).
    • Public designation in Unified State communiqués as “Non-Cooperative with Electoral Guardrails” (NCEG).
    • Escalation to OSCE/ODIHR, Council of Europe bodies, and EU institutions with documented cases (misuse of administrative resources, assembly policing departures), requesting formal opinions and recommendations.
    • Engagement freeze: pausing our bilateral working channels with NCEG-designated bodies until a corrective step is taken and recorded.
    • Civic notification: communicating verified facts to civil society networks and media to maximize sunlight and minimize rumor-driven escalation, in line with assembly best practices favoring transparency as de-escalation.
  • D. Red lines (to prevent a protest-policing spiral)
  • Any use of collective punishment, disproportionate force, or blanket bans against peaceful assembly will be documented and submitted to OSCE/ODIHR monitors and Council of Europe mechanisms for urgent review. (Standards: facilitate first; restrictions must be necessary and proportionate.)

D. Red lines (to prevent a protest-policing spiral)

  • Any use of collective punishment, disproportionate force, or blanket bans against peaceful assembly will be documented and submitted to OSCE/ODIHR monitors and Council of Europe mechanisms for urgent review. (Standards: facilitate first; restrictions must be necessary and proportionate.)

Bottom line. The Self-Denial & Guardianship Pledge is the shortest path to stability now and competitive elections later (once legally possible). If diplomacy and institutions answer this plea openly and promptly, Ukraine gets a safer winter and a clearer democratic horizon. If they hesitate or ignore, the Unified State will proceed—lawfully and transparently—with the countermeasures above, and the record will forever reflect who chose guardrails over drift.


Yours faithfully,

Lucid Founder – Michael Tulsky

on behalf of the Unified State

Kyiv | 2 September 2025

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